Author

Omukuyia Benard Otwero, – Laudato Youth Initiative Research, Doctoral Student in Social and Political Philosophy, Pontifical Gregorian University, Research Interests: Governance and Climate Change

Abstract

Africa stands at the intersection of some of the most profound challenges and opportunities of climate change, security, and development. Despite contributing minimally to global emissions, the continent experiences some of the worst impacts, magnifying humanitarian crises, insecurity, and development setbacks. Yet, Africa’s story is not solely one of vulnerability but also resilience, innovation, and leadership. This paper explores Africa’s dual role in the climate era: as a region heavily impacted by climate change and a dynamic force shaping global climate governance. The paper uses case studies such as the Lake Chad Basin, Cyclone Idai, South Africa’s Just Energy Transition, and Namibia’s green hydrogen initiatives to illustrate how African leadership is redefining climate responses through renewable energy transitions, nature-based solutions, and global diplomatic efforts. Using an intersectional and decolonial ecological framework, the study also advocates for actionable reforms: the establishment of an African Climate Security Council, a pan-African carbon market, and enhanced inclusion of youth and women in climate governance. Africa’s experience and vision offer vital lessons for crafting a more equitable, multidimensional, and sustainable global governance system in the 21st century.

Keywords

Youth, Africa, Climate Change, Security, Sustainable Development, Global Governance, Renewable Energy, Climate Justice, Climate Diplomacy, Climate-Security Nexus, South-South Cooperation, Decolonial Ecology, Intersectional Climate Justice.

Introduction

Africa stands at a critical intersection of climate change, security, and development. UNEP has described the continent as “the most vulnerable region in the world to climate change,” despite contributing only about 3% of global emissions. Indeed, one in three Africans already faces water scarcity, and climate extremes, from protracted droughts to intense cyclones, have battered livelihoods across the continent. [1] These harsh impacts exacerbate humanitarian crises and threaten to reverse hard-won development gains. Nevertheless, Africa is not merely a passive victim of climate change. A parallel narrative is emerging that highlights African innovation, resilience, and leadership in confronting the climate challenge. Far from the old “victim” trope, Africa is positioning itself as a key player in crafting solutions, from spearheading renewable energy initiatives to championing climate justice on the world stage. The inaugural Africa Climate Summit in 2023 explicitly sought to shift the narrative toward this agency, offering a “glimpse of Africa’s future promise as a leader in the climate space.” African leaders point to the continent’s abundant solar, wind, and critical mineral resources and its youthful workforce as fundamentals for a green transformation. At the same time, they underscore that inadequate financing and entrenched inequalities hamper progress, calling for global reforms to unlock Africa’s climate potential.

This paper explores Africa’s dual role as deeply vulnerable yet dynamically innovative in the face of climate change and how the continent is influencing evolving global governance systems. It is structured in three parts. Part 1 examines Africa’s climate vulnerability through the lens of the security-development nexus, how climate change acts as a “threat multiplier” in African contexts, aggravating conflicts and human insecurity, as seen in cases like the Lake Chad Basin and Cyclone Idai. It also reviews African policy frameworks (from the African Union’s Agenda 2063 to outcomes of the 2023 Africa Climate Summit) that attempt to integrate climate and development agendas, pushing back against one-dimensional victim narratives by highlighting local agency and resilience. Part 2 showcases Africa’s innovations in climate leadership: the homegrown solutions and forward-looking initiatives redefining what climate action looks like in the Global South. These range from renewable energy transitions (For instance, South Africa’s just energy partnership and Namibia’s green hydrogen ambitions) to nature-based solutions like the Great Green Wall, agroecology, and the valorization of indigenous knowledge systems. Africa’s diplomatic influence in climate negotiations. For instance, championing adaptation and “loss and damage” finance is also discussed as an innovation in global leadership. Part 3 turns to multidimensional global governance, analyzing how African experiences are prompting reforms in climate finance, peace and security, and collaborative governance models. It highlights creative models (such as Seychelles’ Blue Bonds and Nigeria’s Climate Change Act) and South-South alliances as contributions to more polycentric, just climate governance. The analysis employs an intersectional framework drawing on feminist climate justice and decolonial ecology to examine how solutions can inclusively benefit those most affected (women, youth, marginalized communities) and rectify historic inequities in knowledge and power. The conclusion synthesizes Africa’s dual role and advances actionable proposals, such as establishing an African Union-led Climate Security Council, a pan-African carbon market, and mechanisms for greater youth and gender inclusion in climate governance. In essence, Africa’s plight and promise in the climate era hold profound implications for global security and sustainable development. Harnessing that promise while protecting the vulnerable is a global governance test of the 21st century.

Africa’s Climate Vulnerability and the Security Development Nexus

Climate change in Africa is not a distant scenario but a present reality, intensifying the continent’s security and development challenges. Scientists warn that Africa is warming faster than the global average, with heat extremes already well above natural variability across all regions. [2] Prolonged droughts, erratic rainfall, and rising seas are compounding stresses on economies and societies. In policy circles, climate change is often described as a “threat multiplier,” an environmental stressor that exacerbates underlying social tensions and fragility. Nowhere is this more evident than in parts of Africa where resource scarcity and extreme weather are linked to conflict and instability. The Lake Chad Basin is a case in point. Over the past half-century, Lake Chad’s water volume sharply declined due to prolonged droughts and unsustainable use, shrinking a vital lifeline for communities in Chad, Nigeria, Niger, and Cameroon.

This ecological crisis has fed into regional insecurity: as livelihoods in fishing, farming, and herding dwindled, competition over dwindling land and water sharpened communal divisions and created a recruitment ground for extremist groups. Recent analyses note the “dangerous link between climate change and conflict” in the Lake Chad Basin, where climate-fueled resource competition has amplified violence and forced displacement. [3] For more than a decade, the jihadist insurgency of Boko Haram and other armed groups has terrorized the region; what is often framed purely as a security crisis also has climate change as an invisible actor in the drama. Drought and desertification have driven herders and farmers into closer conflict over fertile patches. In 2021, for example, a severe drought in Cameroon’s Far North (Logone-Birni area) ignited tensions between fishing, farming, and pastoralist communities over access to a shrinking river: tensions that erupted into clashes, displacing some 60,000 people across the border into Chad. Overall, the intertwined impacts of conflict and climate have displaced over 3 million people in the Lake Chad region and left 11 million in need of humanitarian aid. [4] This illustrates how climate stress can aggravate security crises by undermining livelihoods and straining governance, a hallmark of the climate-security-development nexus.

Extreme weather disasters are another face of Africa’s vulnerability, often triggering humanitarian emergencies that set back development and can sow future instability. Cyclone Idai was one such event that sounded the alarm. In March 2019, Cyclone Idai, one of the strongest storms in the Southern Hemisphere, tore through Mozambique, Malawi, and Zimbabwe. It made landfall near Beira, Mozambique, with winds and torrential rains that caused massive flooding. The storm directly killed over 1,000 people and left 2.6 million people in desperate need of assistance almost overnight. [5] Entire villages were submerged as Idai’s floods covered 3,000 square kilometers of land. [6] (Vital infrastructure was destroyed: roads, bridges, hospitals, and more than 240,000 homes were damaged or swept away. [7] The cyclone also decimated agriculture, wiping out harvests and seed stocks, just as the main growing season was to yield crops. This led to a severe food security crisis; nearly 8.7 million people in the region faced hunger and water shortages in the year after Idai. [8] The devastation of Cyclone Idai exemplifies how climate-driven disasters can roll back development gains over the years. Hard-hit Mozambique, for instance, suffered economic losses estimated at $3.2 billion (about 20% of its GDP) from Idai. [9] In the aftermath, governments and aid agencies struggled to respond adequately, and the inequities in impact became clear. The poorest communities, with the least resilience, were hit the hardest, and women and girls faced heightened risks in displacement camps (such as lack of security and sanitation). [10] Idai’s case underscores that climate change is not only an environmental issue but a socioeconomic and security issue: a single massive storm fueled by warmer oceans can trigger displacement, poverty, disease outbreaks, and even political stresses (as authorities grapple with frustrated populations and resource constraints). As such events become more frequent with climate change, the need for climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction becomes urgent to safeguard development and stability.

African institutions have increasingly recognized these climate-security-development linkages and seek comprehensive frameworks to address them. Agenda 2063, the African Union’s long-term development blueprint, explicitly includes environmental resilience as a pillar of the “Africa We Want.” One of its goals is for “environmentally sustainable and climate resilient economies and communities,” calling for climate resilience and disaster preparedness alongside prosperity. [11] This reflects an understanding that Africa’s development cannot be achieved without addressing climate risks. In practice, however, the rising toll of climate impacts threatens to derail progress toward Agenda 2063 and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. African policymakers increasingly warn that unchecked climate change could be the single biggest obstacle to ending poverty and sustaining growth. [12] For example, analyses show that climate change undermines efforts to achieve key goals on hunger, water, and economic productivity. A New African Magazine report bluntly stated it “confirm[s] that this crisis undermines Africa’s ability to achieve the SDGs and Agenda 2063 goals.” [13] Faced with this reality, African states have begun mainstreaming climate considerations into security and development planning. The African Union Peace and Security Council has held sessions on climate security, and initiatives like the African Adaptation Initiative (AAI) (launched by heads of state in 2015) aim to mobilize resources for adaptation on the continent. [14] Africa’s climate summits are another venue where development and climate agendas meet. The Africa Climate Summit 2023 in Nairobi, the first of its kind, produced the Nairobi Declaration, which asserts that climate action and Africa’s development are mutually reinforcing. It noted with concern that extreme weather is “undermining the continent’s development efforts” and rapid urbanization is increasing vulnerability to disasters. [15] At the same time, the declaration struck a confident tone about African leadership: “Africa possesses both the potential and the ambition to be a vital player in the architecture of global climate change solutions,” given its youthful population, “massive untapped renewable energy potential, abundant natural assets, and entrepreneurial spirit.” [16] This dual message acknowledging grave vulnerabilities while emphasizing agency is emblematic of Africa’s stance in the climate discourse.

Crucially, African leaders and scholars are critiquing the pervasive “victim narrative” that has often dominated depictions of Africa in the climate crisis. While it is true that Africa is highly vulnerable, portraying the continent only as a hapless victim can be disempowering and reductive. It obscures the roles of African communities, leaders, and institutions as active problem-solvers and agents of change. Thus, alongside calls for international support, there is a strong emphasis on African agency and resilience. For instance, local initiatives across Africa are demonstrating adaptive capacity: farmers in the Sahel are reviving traditional water-harvesting techniques to fight drought, coastal communities in West Africa are building mangrove buffers against storms, and cities like Lagos or Dakar are devising climate action plans. These stories counter the stereotype of African passivity. The 2023 Nairobi Declaration itself explicitly sought to “shift the narrative away from framing Africa as a victim” and instead highlight the continent’s future as a climate leader. [17] This narrative shift has profound implications. It means reframing African countries as aid recipients and as partners in innovation, such as laboratories for clean energy leapfrogging and sustainable practices. It also involves recognizing the intersectional dimensions of climate vulnerability and leadership: African women, for instance, are often on the frontlines of climate impacts and solutions, a fact that feminist climate justice frameworks bring to light. (The disproportionate burden on women and girls in climate disasters and their central role in community resilience demand gender-responsive approaches rather than one-size-fits-all “victim” narratives.) Similarly, an emphasis on decolonial ecology challenges externally imposed solutions and instead uplifts indigenous knowledge and African expertise. Notably, IPCC scientists have highlighted that truly effective adaptation in Africa must be locally driven and inclusive; “gender-sensitive and equity-based adaptation approaches reduce vulnerability for marginalized groups… (high confidence)” [18] In other words, empowering women and disadvantaged communities in climate responses is not just fair, it measurably boosts resilience. This finding validates calls for feminist climate justice, ensuring that solutions address power imbalances and amplify the voices of those most affected (often women, youth, and indigenous peoples).

In sum, Africa’s climate vulnerability is real and urgent, entwined with security and development in complex ways that demand integrated responses. Conflict zones like Lake Chad or Darfur show how climate stress can inflame violence, just as disasters like Cyclone Idai show how development can be knocked off course. However, African nations are not resigned to catastrophe; they are crafting policies and narratives highlighting resilience and the ability to “build back better” in the face of climate adversity. The stage is thus set for Africa to receive global support for its vulnerabilities and exercise leadership grounded in its experiences. This perspective lays the groundwork for examining the concrete innovations emerging from Africa in addressing climate change, to which we now turn.

Africa’s Innovations in Climate Leadership

Against climate threats, African countries have increasingly become incubators of innovative climate solutions. Necessity has spurred ingenuity: across energy, agriculture, and diplomacy, Africa is carving out a leadership role that belies outdated notions of the continent as a latecomer to climate action. From adopting cutting-edge renewable technologies to reviving age-old Indigenous practices, African youth like the Laudato Youth Initiative have ventured in innovations that contribute to local resilience and global progress on climate goals. This section highlights several domains of African climate leadership, along with illustrative case studies.

Renewable Energy Transitions.

Africa is abundantly endowed with renewable energy potential. It holds an estimated 40% of the world’s solar energy resources and vast wind, geothermal, and hydro opportunities. [19] Tapping this potential is vital for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and addressing Africa’s acute energy poverty (over 600 million Africans lack electricity access). [20] In recent years, numerous African countries have launched ambitious renewable energy programs, positioning themselves at the forefront of a global clean energy transition. Perhaps South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) is the most high-profile effort. Announced at COP26 in 2021, the JETP is a landmark climate finance deal in which a coalition of international partners (including the EU, US, UK, France, and Germany) pledged an initial $8.5 billion to support South Africa’s shift from coal to renewables. [21] South Africa, the continent’s most industrialized economy, relies on coal for 80% of its electricity and is among the top 15 carbon emitters globally. [22] The JETP, therefore, serves as a test case for how a coal-dependent developing country can pursue decarbonization without sacrificing development. The plan, unveiled by President Cyril Ramaphosa, involves retiring aging coal plants, expanding wind and solar farms, and investing in new sectors like electric vehicles and green hydrogen. Uniquely, it emphasizes a “just transition,” meaning support for workers and communities affected by the shift (for example, retraining coal miners for clean energy jobs). Two years into the partnership, progress has been mixed. Only one small coal plant has closed so far. South Africa even considered delaying other plant closures amid power shortages. [23] Domestic critics argue the $8.5B package is too little compared to the ~$98B South Africa estimates it needs for a true transformation. Bureaucratic hurdles have slowed disbursement. [24] Nonetheless, the JETP remains “remarkable… the first country-owned climate finance deal of such magnitude” [25] and a model closely watched by other nations (similar partnerships have since been announced for Indonesia, Vietnam, and Senegal). It has catalyzed significant shifts: South Africa now has a detailed Just Energy Transition Investment Plan, and renewable procurement is accelerating. The JETP exemplifies African leadership in insisting that climate action be coupled with equity, a principle aligned with climate justice. If fully realized, it could drastically cut South Africa’s emissions (peaking by 2025 and dropping thereafter) and create new green industries, showing the world how climate solidarity can work in practice.

Meanwhile, smaller African states are also pioneering renewables in innovative ways. Namibia has drawn global attention for its foray into green hydrogen, positioning itself as a future exporter of zero-carbon fuels. With its sparsely populated deserts and some of Earth’s highest solar irradiation levels, Namibia recognized a niche opportunity: using solar and wind power to produce “green” hydrogen (via water electrolysis) and related products like ammonia. In 2021, the Namibian government selected a company (Hyphen Hydrogen Energy) to develop a massive $9.4 billion green hydrogen project in the Tsau Khaeb coastal region. [26] Once fully operational, this project aims to produce hundreds of thousands of tons of green hydrogen annually, primarily for export. European and Asian markets, eager to import clean hydrogen for industry, are potential buyers. The project is slated to transform Namibia’s economy and energy landscape. [27] European partners (such as Germany and the EU’s Global Gateway) have invested in Namibia’s vision, with EU officials calling the country a “front-runner in the green hydrogen space.” [28] Notably, Namibia has the world’s highest average potential for solar photovoltaic power among nations. As of 2021, about 30% of its electricity comes from solar, a share poised to grow. [29] By leveraging this renewable bounty to produce clean fuels, Namibia seeks to industrialize sustainably and create jobs (the Hyphen project alone could generate 15,000 new jobs). This is a bold example of an African country turning a climate challenge (the need to move off fossils) into an economic opportunity. It also demonstrates South-South cooperation: Namibia has partnered with other developing nations and investors for technical know-how, and its success could inspire neighbors (for example, Mauritania and South Africa are also exploring green hydrogen). However, challenges remain, including securing water for electrolysis in an arid environment and ensuring local communities benefit. If overcome, Namibia’s green hydrogen initiative will underscore how African innovation can contribute to global decarbonization while advancing local development.

African innovation is not limited to high-tech solutions; some of the most impactful leadership is happening on the agricultural and ecosystem frontlines through agroecology and indigenous knowledge systems. For centuries, African farmers and pastoralists have developed strategies to survive in harsh climates. These traditional practices are being revitalized and scaled up as cost-effective climate adaptation measures. In the Sahel region, for example, farmers in Niger and Burkina Faso have resurrected the use of zai pits (also known as tassa) and farmer-managed natural regeneration (FMNR) to restore degraded lands. The zai technique involves digging small pits in barren, crusted soil and filling them with manure or compost to capture rainwater and nutrients for planting. [30] A Burkinabé farmer, Yacouba Sawadogo, famously used zai pits to transform 27 hectares of arid land into a productive forest and cropland with over 60 species of trees and crops, a remarkable success achieved without external aid. [31] His work, begun in the 1980s when drought drove an exodus from the Sahel, showed that local knowledge could beat desertification. Sawadogo even organized zaimarkets to teach neighboring villages the method. The results have been striking: revitalized soils, improved water retention, and increased crop yields (sorghum yields rose up to 1,500 kg/ha on previously barren land). [32] With modest mechanization, the labor required for zai has dropped, making it more attractive to younger farmers. Researchers note that these techniques have helped “rejuvenate” millions of hectares in Niger and Burkina, contributing to what some call the “Regreening of the Sahel.” [33] Indeed, an estimated 5 million hectares in Niger have been restored via FMNR (nurturing naturally regenerated trees on farms), boosting food security for 2.5 million people. Such agroecological successes are climate-smart, sequestering carbon and buffering against drought, and socioeconomically empowering, as they rely on local agencies. The Great Green Wall initiative (discussed below) explicitly builds on these community-led practices. [34] Embracing indigenous knowledge is part of a decolonial ecology approach, recognizing that solutions need not always come from the Global North or high tech; they can be rooted in African cultural and ecological wisdom. International agencies now actively support scaling these techniques, seeing that “the zai technique has fed millions and provided a model for sustainable farming across the Sahel.” [35]

Another flagship African innovation in the face of climate change is the Great Green Wall (GGW) project, a bold ecological and developmental vision. Launched by the African Union in 2007, the Great Green Wall aims to restore degraded landscapes across the entire width of the Sahel, from Senegal on the Atlantic coast to Djibouti by the Red Sea. Initially conceived as a literal “wall” of trees 8,000 km long to hold back the Sahara Desert, the concept has evolved into a mosaic of restoration and sustainable land use over a vast swath of territory. [36] The GGW’s goals are inspiring: restore 100 million hectares of degraded land, sequester 250 million tons of carbon, and create 10 million green jobs by 2030. Over 20 African countries are involved, making it one of history’s largest collective environmental projects. [37] (At its heart, the GGW is about more than planting trees; it is about fostering “a compelling symbol of hope” and tackling various challenges, from climate change and drought to food insecurity and unemployment. Progress, however, has been mixed. On the one hand, communities have embraced projects under the GGW umbrella when they see tangible benefits (for instance, agroforestry that yields fruit or fodder). [38] By 2023, about 18 million hectares had been restored, an area the size of Cambodia, through tree planting, agroforestry, and sustainable land management.

This represents roughly 18% of the overall target, a significant start but still far from the finish line. Challenges abound: insecure zones (conflict in parts of the Sahel), limited water in arid areas, coordination difficulties among numerous stakeholders, and critically, financing shortfalls. [39] The estimated cost of completing the GGW is $33 billion, but mobilizing these funds has been slow; an accelerator initiative launched in 2021 pledged $14.3 billion in new funding, and as of March 2023, about $2.5 billion of that had been disbursed. [40] Despite these hurdles, there are bright spots. Countries like Senegal and Ethiopia have made notable strides. Senegal, for example, has restored large tracts with acacia forests that stabilize soils and provide gum arabic for income. Nigeria has engaged thousands of youth in planting and nursery projects, creating jobs. The GGW has also catalyzed global support, reframing the Sahel from a region of crisis to one of opportunity and resilience. In many ways, the Great Green Wall is a test of Africa’s ability to drive a continent-scale climate solution that delivers co-benefits: carbon sink, food security, peace (by reducing resource conflicts), and jobs. If realized, it will be a monumental achievement of African-led sustainable development. Even if partially completed, it is already altering landscapes and lives, proving that Africans are proactively engineering solutions commensurate with the scale of the climate challenge.

African climate leadership also extends to the diplomatic arena. Within the UN climate negotiations (COPs), African states have increasingly been vocal and coordinated in advancing the priorities of developing nations. The African Group of Negotiators (AGN), representing all 54 African countries, consistently presses for greater emphasis on adaptation (given Africa’s vulnerability) and finance (given limited means to cope). African diplomats and activists have been at the forefront of the push for “loss and damage” compensation, the idea that wealthy, high-emitting countries should provide funding to help vulnerable nations recover from climate impacts that can no longer be avoided. This idea, long resisted by industrialized nations, finally gained breakthrough acceptance at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh (2022), significantly dubbed the “Africa COP.” Developing countries (including the African bloc) presented a united front and won an agreement to establish a Loss and Damage fund. [41] As Reuters reported, this “milestone in the long fight to get help for poor communities on the frontlines of global warming” was hailed as “a new dawn for climate justice.” [42] The fund’s operational details are being ironed out. Still, its creation owes much to sustained African and Global South advocacy, turning moral arguments about climate justice into concrete institutional change. Furthermore, African negotiators have been central to calls for climate finance reform. For instance, reforming multilateral development banks to serve climate and development needs better and pushing for the long-promised $100 billion/year in climate aid to be delivered. The 2023 Nairobi Declaration from the Africa Climate Summit encapsulated many of these stances, urging a “fair and accelerated phase-out of fossil fuels” globally but also fairness in finance (such as a call to “honor the $100B annual climate finance commitment” and deploy innovative instruments for debt relief and climate investment. [43]

Indeed, Africa’s potential leadership in climate diplomacy is about bridging worlds: African nations often emphasize common but differentiated responsibilities, meaning they support strong climate action but insist on equity (richer countries must do more and support poorer ones). They have also championed nature-based solutions (leveraging Africa’s forests, peatlands, and mangroves as global carbon sinks) and “green growth” pathways as win-win strategies. At COP negotiations, African voices often highlight that the continent’s development aspirations (universal energy access, industrialization) must be accommodated even as global emissions are curbed. This has led to some controversial debates, notably around the role of natural gas. Several African leaders argue that gas, a fossil fuel, but cleaner than coal, should be treated as a “transition fuel” for Africa to rapidly expand electricity access and industrialize, before eventually moving to full renewables. [44] They point out that Africa’s energy poverty is untenable and that no country has developed without utilizing some fossil energy. [45] In 2022, the African Union 2022 adopted a common position endorsing continued gas development for poverty reduction. However, this stance has met pushback from climate advocates and some in the Global North who argue it risks locking Africa into carbon infrastructure or stranding assets as the world shifts to clean energy. [46] The debate essentially pits immediate development needs against long-term decarbonization. Africa’s response has been to call for a “just energy transition” globally: one that allows different pathways for different contexts. Africa is injecting realism and justice considerations into global climate forums by voicing these complexities. The continent’s innovations in thought leadership, integrating development with climate action, and local knowledge with global science, may be less tangible than a solar farm or a restored forest. Still, they are no less important in shaping outcomes.

In conclusion, Africa’s climate leadership is multifaceted and growing. Renewable energy deployment across the continent is accelerating (from Kenya’s geothermal and wind boom to Morocco’s giant solar farms), suggesting that Africa could “leapfrog” to a clean energy future if given the proper support. [47] Grassroots innovations in agriculture and ecosystem management provide inspiring models of adaptation that blend old and new knowledge. Large-scale initiatives like the Great Green Wall demonstrate ambition to solve problems at the source, rather than treating symptoms. On the international stage, African voices are increasingly prominent in steering the climate agenda towards equity and justice, championing causes like adaptation funding, loss, and damage vital for vulnerable nations worldwide. All these developments position Africa not as a climate laggard, but as a source of solutions and leadership. However, realizing the full potential of these innovations will depend on supportive governance structures and finance at multiple levels. This brings us to the broader question of how Africa influences and can further shape multidimensional global governance for climate security and development.

Shaping Multidimensional Global Governance

Africa’s experiences with climate change, vulnerabilities, and innovations are increasingly driving conversations about how global governance must adapt to the Anthropocene. As climate is a cross-cutting issue touching finance, security, human rights, and development, African actors are advocating for reforms across these dimensions to create a more responsive and equitable global system. This section examines three key areas: climate finance architecture, peace and security initiatives, and emerging polycentric governance models, highlighting African contributions and exemplars (from blue bonds to climate laws to South-South partnerships). The underlying theme is how Africa, by necessity and design, is pushing governance beyond silos blending climate action with development planning and security strategy, and insisting on inclusivity (both in terms of stakeholders and knowledge systems).

Reforming Climate Finance: Adequate finance is the linchpin of effective climate and development action, yet current global finance flows fall drastically short of Africa’s needs. African leaders have become vocal reformers in this area, arguing that the existing climate finance regime, reliant on donor pledges, complex funds, and private markets, is not delivering at the speed or scale required. Despite repeated promises, wealthy nations have failed to meet the yearly $100 billion climate finance goal, undermining trust. [48] As of mid-2020, the actual flow to developing countries is tens of billions short. African countries often face steep hurdles to accessing what is available (bureaucratic red tape, credit rating constraints). The result is a yawning climate investment gap on the continent; estimates suggest that Africa faces a climate financing gap of over $450 billion in this decade to meet its targets and resilience needs. [49] In response, African voices, governments, and civil society alike have championed the idea of a new global financial pact for climate and development. This includes calls to recapitalize and reform Multilateral Development Banks (like the World Bank) to prioritize concessional green financing, reallocate IMF Special Drawing Rights to climate-vulnerable nations, and promote debt relief or debt-for-climate swaps (where debt is forgiven in exchange for climate investments).

Seychelles provided a pioneering example with its “Blue Bond” and debt swap for ocean conservation. In 2018, the small island developing state issued the world’s first sovereign Blue Bond, raising $15 million from private investors to fund marine protected areas and sustainable fisheries. [50] Developed with World Bank support, this innovative instrument harnessed capital markets for climate and conservation goals, something that had been mostly theoretical before. The Seychelles blue bond was part of a larger debt restructuring that channeled a portion of its national debt payments into a Conservation and Climate Adaptation Trust. According to Seychelles’ Vice President, the bond “will greatly assist [us] in achieving a transition to sustainable fisheries and safeguarding our oceans while we sustainably develop our blue economy.” [51] It exemplifies how nature-based finance can be a win-win: the country secured funds to protect its critical coral reefs and fisheries (bolstering climate resilience). At the same time, investors got a return backed by partial guarantees (de-risked by international partners). The World Bank hailed it as a model for other coastal and island states. [52] Since then, “blue bonds” and “green bonds” have become more common, but Seychelles was the trailblazer. Building on such ideas, African countries at the 2023 Nairobi Summit proposed a pan-African carbon credit market to attract climate finance. The nascent African Carbon Markets Initiative (ACMI) aspires to boost the continent’s voluntary carbon credit generation to 300 MtCO₂e by 2030, which could mobilize billions in revenue for sustainable projects. [53] While carbon markets are contentious (raising concerns about offsets vs. real emissions cuts), proponents argue that a well-regulated African carbon market could ensure credits benefit local communities (through reforestation, clean cookstove projects) and channel funds into climate adaptation. Notably, Africa’s forests and soils already provide huge global carbon sequestration. Risi and Brady noted that African forests currently “capture more carbon than the Amazon,” [54] so monetizing this service could reward conservation efforts. However, issues of integrity and equity must be managed; African stakeholders emphasize that credits should be high-quality and not at the expense of indigenous rights or food security.

Beyond novel financing tools, Africa is also advocating for institutional innovations to marry climate action with development planning. One such example is Nigeria’s National Climate Change Act (2021), among the most comprehensive climate governance frameworks enacted by an African country. This law established a precise national mechanism to coordinate climate policy across sectors and administrations. It set a net-zero emissions goal by mid-century (around 2050-2070) in line with Nigeria’s carbon neutrality pledge by 2060. [55] Notably, the Act created a National Council on Climate Change, chaired at the highest level, to mainstream climate action into economic planning. [56] The Council oversees a five-yearly Carbon Budget (with annual emissions targets) and ensures ministries and agencies integrate these targets into their work. It also manages a newly established Climate Change Fund to pool resources for mitigation and adaptation projects. Moreover, Nigeria’s law broke new ground by involving the private sector: it mandates companies with over 50 employees to measure and report their carbon emissions and develop plans to achieve emission reduction targets, with penalties for non-compliance. [57] This effectively brings big emitters into the industry’s regulatory framework and encourages corporate climate responsibility. By passing this Act, Nigeria signaled that climate is not merely an environmental issue but a core development and governance issue: it provides legal force to climate policy and continuity across election cycles. Other African countries (such as South Africa and Kenya) are studying or enacting similar climate framework laws. Such legislation ensures that domestic governance is fit for handling climate challenges and opportunities and gives Africa more substantial leverage internationally (by demonstrating self-commitment). Additionally, incorporating a Climate Fund and carbon budgeting in Nigeria’s case exemplifies how countries can tailor global concepts (like carbon budgets) to national contexts, contributing to the emerging norm that all nations, not just rich ones, need credible climate governance.

Climate-Smart Peacebuilding and Security Initiatives: On the peace and security front, Africa is, unfortunately, home to many conflicts. However, it is also a laboratory for approaches that address environmental drivers of conflict. The concept of “climate-smart peacebuilding” has gained traction: integrating climate adaptation and natural resource management into conflict prevention, resolution, and recovery efforts. African examples illustrate the promise of this holistic approach. In the Darfur region of Sudan, decades of conflict between pastoralists and farmers were exacerbated by drought and desertification (a UN study famously suggested climate change was a factor in the Darfur war). [58] Traditional peace deals that ignore resource competition often falter. In response, the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) and partners implemented the Wadi El Ku catchment restoration project in North Darfur, aiming to rebuild degraded water systems as a peace dividend. The project constructed small weirs (dams), irrigation channels, and community forests along the Wadi El Ku seasonal river, improving water availability for 100,000 people and restoring thousands of hectares of land. [59] Equally important, it brought together formerly feuding groups, farmers and herders, to jointly manage these resources through local committees.

By giving all stakeholders (including women, who often fetch water) a say, the initiative helped reduce mistrust and competition. As UNEP noted, “Ensuring that the region’s residents, especially women, inclusively manage natural resources is helping end mistrust between [different communities],” [60] demonstrating the critical link between inclusion and conflict mitigation. [61] This integrative model, combining ecology, community-based management, and peacebuilding, has yielded encouraging results: water disputes have declined in project areas, agricultural productivity has risen, and there is evidence of improved inter-communal relations. [62] It represents climate adaptation (drought resilience) as a tool for peace. Similar principles are guiding programs in Mali, where solar-powered irrigation and regreening are introduced in conflict zones, or in Somalia, where efforts to build climate-resilient livelihoods (like drought-tolerant farming and livelihoods outside pastoralism) are seen as key to breaking the cycle of famine and conflict. At the policy level, forums like the annual Aswan Forum for Sustainable Peace and Development (launched by Egypt) explicitly put climate security on the agenda, calling for the AU and Regional Economic Communities to factor climate data into early warning systems and peacekeeping missions. Some have even proposed establishing an “AU Climate Security Council” or a dedicated unit within the AU Peace and Security Department to analyze climate-fragility risks and coordinate responses. Such a body could, for example, anticipate how rainfall failures might inflame food insecurity and tensions in a region and prompt preventative action (like mediation combined with humanitarian aid). While an AU Climate Security Council is still a proposal, it reflects the understanding that African peace and security architecture must evolve to confront climate threats. Notably, the UN Security Council has debated climate security (with African states often supporting stronger mandates on climate-related security risks), though a resolution in 2021 was vetoed. Without a global consensus, African regional initiatives will be critical. By pioneering “climate-smart” peacebuilding, Africa contributes models that could be replicated elsewhere where climate stress threatens stability.

Polycentric and Inclusive Governance: Africa’s role in shaping global governance is evident in the push for polycentric and inclusive approaches. Polycentric governance is a system where multiple centers of decision-making authority (from local to national to regional to global) coexist, ideally coordinating for common goals. Given the scale and complexity of climate change, purely top-down solutions are insufficient; local and transnational networks are equally vital. African actors are carving out space in these networks. One aspect is the strengthening of South-South alliances. For instance, Africa has deepened cooperation with other regions of the Global South on climate issues. The alliance of BASIC countries (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China) at COP negotiations is one platform where South Africa amplifies a common stance that balances development and climate responsibility. [63]

Likewise, African Small Island Developing States often coordinate (AOSIS includes several African island nations like Seychelles and Mauritius), jointly advocating for strong action on emissions to secure the survival of vulnerable nations. Beyond negotiations, South-South cooperation is visible in project implementation: China, for example, has become a major partner for Africa in renewable energy investments, building solar farms, hydropower dams, and electric railways across the continent. [64] A 2020 study on Africa–China climate cooperation argues that such South-South partnerships have “tremendous potential for African countries to realize their climate action priorities… to achieve their SDGs”, provided they are approached strategically. [65] This includes infrastructure and knowledge exchange. This can be exemplified by African solar engineers training in India, or Latin American experts sharing agroforestry practices with Sahel farmers. The Climate Vulnerable Forum (CVF), a grouping of 48 countries highly vulnerable to climate impacts (many African members), is another example of a South-led coalition shaping discourse. It lobbied successfully for the 1.5°C target in the Paris Agreement and more adaptation finance. By exercising a collective voice through these alliances, African countries help set global norms (like the principle that warming must be limited to 1.5°C for the sake of vulnerable nations) and create pressure for action (For instance, CVF’s economic analyses of inaction’s costs).

Within Africa, regional governance is also evolving to be more climate-aware. The African Union in 2022 adopted the Climate Change and Resilient Development Strategy and Action Plan (2022-2032), essentially a continental game plan aligning with Agenda 2063. It emphasizes collaborative action, knowledge-sharing, and the role of regional institutions like the African Development Bank (AfDB) in financing a green transition. [66] The AfDB itself has launched initiatives such as the Africa Adaptation Acceleration Program (AAAP), in partnership with the Global Center on Adaptation, aiming to mobilize $25 billion for adaptation by 2025, focusing on digital climate-informed services, resilient infrastructure, and climate finance access. One notable emerging initiative is the African Climate Risk Facility (ADRiFi), which helps countries get sovereign insurance against climate disasters, an approach to buffer shocks. [67] All these reflect a trend of building African-owned mechanisms rather than over-relying on external aid. This is part of a broader decolonial shift in climate governance: recognizing that African priorities and perspectives must shape the solutions, not just be recipients of outside prescriptions. The IPCC lamented that “almost all funding for Africa-related climate research originates outside Africa and goes to institutions outside Africa,” reinforcing asymmetric knowledge production. [68] African scholars and institutions are actively working to change this, demanding investment in local research capacity so that climate policies are grounded in African-led science (for example, the creation of centers of excellence in climate and environmental sciences in Africa). Such efforts will enable more context-specific, culturally appropriate climate actions, whether tailoring climate information services to pastoralists’ needs or integrating customary land rights into REDD+ forest programs.

In summary, Africa’s influence on global governance is felt through its advocacy for financial justice, its on-the-ground models linking climate and peace, and its insistence on inclusive, multi-level solutions. African proposals like a dedicated climate security architecture or a pan-African carbon market illustrate thinking outside the traditional silos. They invite the global community to rethink governance: to blur the lines between “development aid” and “climate finance” (since, for Africa, building a road or a solar grid serves both development and climate adaptation ends), and to ensure global frameworks accommodate the voices of those most affected. The continent’s leadership also underscores the need to involve youth and civil society. Africa has the world’s youngest population, and youth movements (such as the Rise Up Movement led by Ugandan youth or the Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance) have been strong moral advocates pushing governments to be bolder. Their inclusion in decision-making is vital for legitimacy and creativity in solutions. We now conclude by synthesizing how Africa’s dual identity in the climate crisis as victim and leader can be harnessed, and we present actionable proposals for empowering Africa’s role in a fairer, safer climate future.

Conclusion: From Vulnerability to Agency: Africa’s Path Forward in Global Climate Governance

Africa’s encounter with climate change is defining its future and testing the effectiveness and fairness of global governance. This paper has shown that Africa is uniquely vulnerable, on the frontlines of climate impacts that imperil its security and development. It is also uniquely vital as a source of solutions and leadership in the climate era. Embracing this dual reality is key to shaping a multidimensional response that protects people while catalyzing sustainable growth. We conclude by synthesizing insights and several forward-looking proposals that build on Africa’s agency. These proposals aim to institutionalize the gains discussed and address gaps, moving toward a global climate governance architecture that is more equitable, inclusive, and effective for all.

Africa’s Dual Role: On the one hand, Africa bears an outsized burden from a crisis it did little to cause. Climate change is multiplying threats across the continent, worsening droughts and floods, intensifying resource conflicts, displacing communities, and straining economies. Traditional security and development paradigms falter if they ignore these climatic stresses. The Lake Chad and Cyclone Idai case studies exemplify how climate shocks fuel conflict and humanitarian crises, underscoring the need for integrated strategies (humanitarian, development, peace) that address root environmental drivers. At the same time, Africa’s plight has galvanized a strong moral case for climate justice on the world stage: it has lent weight to arguments for loss-and-damage compensation and honoring mitigation commitments to prevent the worst scenarios. On the other hand, Africa is not simply waiting for rescue; it is proactively shaping its destiny. Whether through community-led adaptation or high-level diplomacy, African actors are injecting new ideas and momentum into climate action. Innovations like the Great Green Wall or the spread of solar mini-grids in rural communities demonstrate a willingness to tackle problems with homegrown ingenuity. African negotiators have pushed the envelope on fairness and ambition in climate talks. Africa’s sheer potential in renewables, carbon sinks, and demographic energy makes it indispensable to global climate objectives (for instance, the world cannot meet the Paris Agreement goals if Africa’s energy pathway replicates the fossil-fueled routes of the past). Thus, empowering Africa to leapfrog to green development is a global public good.

Africa’s leadership is broadening the lens of climate action, making it intersectional (accounting for gender, youth, and indigenous rights), and linking it with economic transformation and conflict prevention agendas. This holistic vision is one of Africa’s contributions to the world, echoing concepts like Ubuntu (interdependence) in climate solidarity.

Actionable Proposals: Building on the above, we propose the following initiatives to strengthen Africa’s role and capacity in shaping multidimensional climate governance, for the benefit of the continent and the world:

1. Establish an AU-led “Climate Security Council”: The African Union should create a high-level body dedicated to climate security, essentially a pan-African council that regularly assesses climate-related security risks and coordinates responses. This Climate Security Council (CSC) could operate under the AU Peace and Security Council, bringing together expertise from climate scientists, development planners, and security analysts. It would ensure early warning for climate-driven crises (for instance, forecasted droughts that could spark conflicts or migration) and advise on conflict-sensitive climate adaptation in vulnerable regions. An AU CSC would institutionalize the climate-security nexus in African policy, enabling, for example, peacekeeping missions to include environmental experts or mediators to incorporate resource-sharing agreements in peace deals. It could also interface with the UN on behalf of Africa, ensuring African positions on climate security (such as the need for funding to build resilience in post-conflict states) are heard. By taking this step, Africa would again pioneer what global governance has yet to do thoroughly, formally recognize, and act on climate as a security issue. It might inspire similar mechanisms in other regions or eventually a global counterpart if successful.
2. Forge a Pan-African Carbon Market and Investment Platform: In line with the African Carbon Markets Initiative, African states should collaborate to develop a robust continental carbon credit mechanism, essentially a Pan-African Carbon Market. This would set common standards for high-quality credits (avoiding issues of illegitimacy or double-counting) and pool projects to achieve scale. A portion of proceeds from credit sales could feed into an Africa Climate Finance Facility, managed by African institutions, to reinvest in adaptation and green infrastructure. Alongside, Africa can explore a continental carbon tax or trading system for major industries, signaling its own commitment to mitigation and generating domestic revenues (the design would, of course, account for different national circumstances). Such a market could unlock sizable capital and better access to international climate funds and debt relief initiatives. Notably, a pan-African approach can reduce fragmentation and increase bargaining power. For instance, negotiating better credit prices by offering significant, aggregated emissions reductions to buyers or refusing subpar offset deals that do not align with African priorities. As Africa develops this market, it must embed social safeguards: ensuring projects respect land rights, benefit local communities (through jobs or revenue-sharing), and not simply enable polluters elsewhere to avoid cutting emissions. The African Climate Change and Resilient Development Strategy (2022-2032) already calls for innovative financing; implementing a fair carbon market is one concrete pathway. Done right, it could generate billions annually for African climate action by 2030, reducing the aforementioned finance gap. This aligns with the idea of Africa taking charge of its resources, including its atmospheric resources, in a decolonial spirit.
3. Accelerate Green Industrialization via South-South and Triangular Partnerships: To ensure that Africa’s climate leadership translates into economic opportunity, a concerted effort is needed to develop green industries (renewable energy manufacturing, battery production, electric vehicles, sustainable agriculture value chains) on the continent. We propose an Africa Green Industrialization Initiative that leverages South-South alliances (with countries like China, India, Brazil, and others) for technology transfer, capacity building, and co-investment in African manufacturing. This could involve creating regional centers of excellence. For example, solar panel manufacturing hubs in North and Southern Africa, given abundant silica, battery, and electric bus factories, perhaps in partnership with China (which dominates those supply chains) but located in Africa to serve African markets and export. Africa holds 40% of global reserves of key minerals for cleantech (cobalt, manganese, platinum); [69] rather than just exporting raw materials, African countries can negotiate joint ventures that process and add value domestically (for example, cathode or battery assembly plants). South-South cooperation is crucial here: China’s experience scaling up renewable tech or India’s mass production of generic drugs (as an analogy) can inform Africa’s approach. Triangular cooperation (involving a Northern partner supporting South-South efforts) can also be utilized. For instance, the EU could provide grants or guarantees to de-risk a South Africa-India partnership on solar panel factories. This initiative aligns climate and development perfectly: it creates jobs for Africa’s youth bulge, reduces dependence on imported fossil fuels and technologies, and helps meet global demand for clean tech. The Africa Climate Summit highlighted the concept of Africa as a green industrial hub for the world. [70] This proposal operationalizes that vision. International support should be rallied for it, as it addresses global supply chain needs and climate goals.
4. Enhance Intersectional Governance: Youth and Gender Inclusion: Any new structures or initiatives must intentionally include the perspectives of youth and women, who are critical change agents in African climate action. We propose that the African Union and national governments institute formal Youth and Women’s Climate Councils to advise on climate policy and project implementation. These councils would ensure that policies (like the climate security strategies or carbon market rules mentioned above) incorporate the insights of those often marginalized, for example, young innovators who may have solutions in digital climate services, or women farmers who best understand what adaptation measures work on the ground. Capacity-building programs could complement this: a Pan-African Climate Leadership Program to train young African professionals (especially women) in climate diplomacy, science, and green entrepreneurship, creating a pipeline of informed leaders. Representation is not just tokenism; research consistently shows that when women are engaged in resource management, outcomes are more sustainable,[71], and when youth are empowered, the creativity and urgency they bring can break inertia. For instance, feminist organizations in Africa have pioneered gender-responsive budgeting for climate adaptation, ensuring funds reach women’s cooperatives and addressing unique vulnerabilities (like providing clean energy for safer childbirth in off-grid clinics). Scaling such approaches requires giving them a voice at high levels. Similarly, youth movements’ energy and moral clarity, which rightly demand intergenerational justice, can hold leaders accountable to long-term commitments (for example, net-zero pledges for 2050-2060 when current leaders will be gone). Intersectional climate justice must move from mantra to practice via institutionalized inclusion. The AU’s Agenda 2063 emphasizes people-driven development, relying on the potential of women and youth; climate action can be a sphere where this is exemplified.
5. Data and Knowledge Revolution through African Climate Research Networks: Africa needs a strong foundational capacity in its climate science and policy research to support all of the above. We urge a major initiative (potentially supported by G-20 or the UN) to invest in African climate research networks and open data platforms. This would involve equipping national meteorological services with modern technology, supporting universities in climate-related disciplines, and facilitating collaboration across Africa (for example, a network linking West African climate centers with East African ones to share modeling expertise on monsoons). As noted, the vast majority of climate research funding on Africa currently goes to institutions in the Global North;[72] this must be rebalanced. We propose establishing an African Climate Research Endowment Fund (with contributions from international partners but managed by African academies) that would grant funding to African-led studies on impacts, adaptation solutions, indigenous knowledge documentation, and sustainable technologies. In tandem, an African Climate Data Hub could be created to house critical datasets (on weather, crops, emissions, and conflicts) accessible to local decision-makers and researchers. Policies can be more evidence-based and tailored with better data and homegrown analysis. For example, fine-scale climate projections by African scientists could improve planning for city infrastructure or agricultural zoning. Empowering African researchers also speaks to decolonizing climate knowledge, ensuring Africa is not just a subject of study but a generator of knowledge. It will also enable Africa to contribute more to global scientific assessments like the IPCC (where African authors are underrepresented but crucial for regional chapters). In sum, bolstering African climate science capacity will strengthen all aspects of governance, from early warning systems (for disasters) to innovation (home-spun tech solutions) to international negotiations (having data to back claims).

These proposals are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. For instance, including youth and women in climate councils will improve the design of the carbon market and make it more just. A Climate Security Council with good data from African scientists will better anticipate crises. Green industrialization backed by South-South cooperation will thrive if financing is available through reformed channels and if a skilled workforce (trained youth) is ready. Each element addresses a facet of the climate security-development nexus: governance, finance, social inclusion, knowledge, and economic transformation. Ultimately, Africa’s role in shaping multidimensional global governance is about leading by example and principle. It is about demonstrating that climate action can be paired with equitable development: that climate resilience and low-carbon growth are not luxuries for Africa, but necessities that can unlock a more prosperous and peaceful future. It is also about moral leadership: reminding the world of our shared humanity and responsibility. The Africa as victim narrative is being justly replaced with “Africa as visionaries and victors,” not denying the deep injustices and hardships, but refusing to be defined by them. As the African proverb says, “If you want to go far, go together.”Africa is showing that it wants to go far with the rest of the world towards a livable climate and sustainable development for all. The global community would do well to listen, support, and join in this journey, for Africa’s resilience is inextricably linked to the planet’s collective resilience.

Endnotes

[1] Lauren Risi and Cynthia Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit: Victim or Leader?” New Security Beat, October 4, 2023.

[2] IPCC, Sixth Assessment Report: Working Group I – The Physical Science Basis, “Regional fact sheet – Africa,” (2021): Africa is warming faster than the global average.

[3] Refugees International, Climate-fueled Violence and Displacement in the Lake Chad Basin (Report, January 19, 2023): climate change fuels conflict & displacement in Lake Chad region https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports-briefs/climate-fueled-violence-and-displacement-in-the-lake-chad-basin-focus-on-chad-and-cameroon/ (accessed April 21, 2025).

[4] Ibid.

[5] Oxfam International, After the Storm: One Year Since Cyclone Idai, March 11, 2020, https://www.oxfam.org/en/after-storm-one-year-cyclone-idai (accessed April 21, 2025): Cyclone Idai killed 1,000+ and left 2.6 million in need; millions lost homes/livelihoods, food insecurity for 8.7 million.

[6] ReliefWeb, 2018-2019 Mozambique Humanitarian Response Plan Revised Following Cyclones Idai and Kenneth, June 7, 2019, https://reliefweb.int/report/mozambique/2018-2019-mozambique-humanitarian-response-plan-revised-following-cyclones-idai (accessed April 21, 2025): Idai submerged 3,000 km² land, damaged 240,000+ houses

[7] Ibid.

[8] Oxfam International, After the Storm.

[9] Pedro Cabral, Carine T. M. Chabi, and Ema I. Saíde, “Cyclone Idai’s Socioeconomic Impact in Mozambique: A Rapid Assessment Using Remote Sensing Data,” Remote Sensing 13, no. 2 (2021): 201.

[10] Oxfam International, After the Storm.

[11] African Union, Agenda 2063 – Aspiration 1, Goal 7: calls for “environmentally sustainable and climate resilient economies and communities,” including climate resilience disaster preparedness. Cf. African Union, Agenda 2063: Goals and Priority Areas, https://au.int/en/agenda2063/goals (accessed April 21, 2025).

[12] New African Magazine, “Climate Change: The Single Biggest Threat to Achieving SDGs and Agenda 2063 Goals,” New African, March 8, 2024, https://newafricanmagazine.com/29753/ (accessed April 21, 2025).

[13] New African Magazine, “Climate Change: The Single Biggest Threat.”

[14] Global Center on Adaptation (GCA), “GCA Signs Memorandum of Understanding with African Adaptation Initiative,” February 18, 2022, https://gca.org/news/gca-signs-memorandum-of-understanding-with-african-adaptation-initiative/ (accessed April 21, 2025).

[15] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid., also New Security Beat (Wilson Center blog), “Africa’s First Climate Summit: From Victim to Leader?” (October 2, 2023, by E. Greenbaum): UNEP: Africa’s most vulnerable region; only 3% of emissions; battered by droughts, cyclones, wildfires. Summit sought to shift the narrative from victim to leader. Osinbajo quote on Africa’s renewables, workforce, and minerals fundamentals for green hub Africa has 60% of global solar potential but only 1% of PV capacity; 600 million lack power. Forests capture more carbon than Amazon; carbon market emerging ($100B finance pledge unmet; Africa faces $450B gap by 2030.

[18] Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Sixth Assessment Report, Working Group II, Chapter 9: Africa, 2022, https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg2/chapter/chapter-9/ (accessed April 21, 2025).

[19] IPCC, Sixth Assessment Report: Working Group II – Chapter 9: Africa (2022): Exposure and vulnerability in Africa are multi-dimensional… 55-62% of the sub-Saharan workforce in agriculture, 95% of cropland rainfed; informal settlements increase vulnerability, especially for women, children, elderly Also: Gender-sensitive and equity-based adaptation reduces vulnerability for marginalized groups (high confidence). The promotion of Indigenous land rights reduces vulnerability.

[20] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[21] European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM), “Two Years of South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership: How Real Is the Deal?” March 26, 2024, https://ecdpm.org/work/two-years-south-africas-just-energy-transition-partnership-how-real-deal (accessed April 21, 2025).

[22] Ibid.

[23] Ibid.

[24] ECDPM, “Two years into South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership: How real is the deal?” (Brief, 2023 by S. Naidoo et al.): JETP is the first country-led climate finance deal of its kind; $8.5B pledged vs $98B needed. After two years, only one coal plant closed; critics say implementation is too slow. South Africa’s coal-dependent economy and power crisis make the transition complex.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Sam Parker, “Why Namibia Is Placing a Big Bet on Green Hydrogen,” fDi Intelligence, December 19, 2023, https://www.fdiintelligence.com/content/50fe7d18-35c9-525c-90a1-4632454ea902 (accessed April 21, 2025).

[27] fDi Intelligence, “How green hydrogen put Namibia on the map” (November 7, 2023, by S. O’Farrell): Namibia’s Hyphen project ~$9.4B to produce green H₂ in Tsau Khaeb park Namibia has highest practical solar PV potential in world; as of 2021, solar 30% of power. Ursula von der Leyen: “Namibia is becoming a front-runner in green hydrogen.”

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Harvard Advanced Leadership Initiative, “Planting the Seeds of Change: The Role of Traditional Agriculture in Africa’s Climate Fight,” Social Impact Review, February 20, 2024.

[31] Harvard ALI Social Impact Review, “Planting Seeds of Change: Traditional Agriculture in Africa’s Climate Fight” (2021 by I. Serdeczny): Zai pits and farmer-managed natural regeneration in Niger/Burkina have restored soils and improved yields. Yacouba Sawadogo used zai to turn 27 ha of desert into forest/crops (60+ species), inspiring others and receiving awards. Mechanized zai greatly boosts efficiency and yields. “Zai has fed millions… model for sustainable farming across the Sahel.” Zai/FMNR helped launch the Great Green Wall in 2007.

[32] Harvard Advanced Leadership Initiative, “Planting the Seeds of Change.”

[33] Ibid.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Mongabay, “Progress is slow on Africa’s Great Green Wall, but some bright spots bloom” (Aug 2023 by A. Kaba): AU’s Great Green Wall aims to restore 100M ha, sequester 250M tons CO₂, create 10M jobs by 2030 ~18M ha restored to date (~18% of target) ($33B needed; $14B pledged in 2021, $2.5B disbursed by 2023. Challenges include security, water, coordination, and funding, but the concept evolved into a restoration mosaic that benefits communities.

[36] Ibid.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Ibid.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Ibid.

[41] Thomson Reuters Foundation, “COP27 loss and damage fund heralds’ new dawn for climate justice” (November 20, 2022, by M. Rowling): COP27 agreed to establish the Loss & Damage fund, a “milestone in the fight for help for frontlines… new dawn for climate justice.” A group of 134 developing countries (led by Pakistan, including African states) pushed it through.

[42] Valerie Volcovici, “COP27 Loss and Damage Fund Heralds’ New Dawn’ for Climate Justice,” Reuters, November 20, 2022, https://www.reuters.com/business/cop/cop27-loss-damage-fund-heralds-new-dawn-climate-justice-2022-11-20/(accessed April 14, 2025).

[43] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[44] Climate Nexus. “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC).” Climate Nexus, February 10, 2023. https://climatenexus.org/climate-change-news/common-but-differentiated-responsibilities-and-respective-capabilities-cbdr-rc/ Climate Diplomacy. “Weathering Risk Builds the Evidence Base for the Common African Position on Climate, Peace and Security.” Climate Diplomacy, accessed April 22, 2025. https://climate-diplomacy.org/magazine/cooperation/weathering-risk-builds-evidence-base-common-african-position-climate-peace-and

[45] PACJA. “African Climate Diplomacy Bared: Insights from Multistakeholder Forum on COP28 and COP29 Strategy.” Panafrican Climate Justice Alliance, February 8, 2024. https://pacja.org/african-climate-diplomacy-bared-insights-from-multistakeholder-forum-on-cop28-and-cop29-strategy/

[46] Romdhane, Malek. “What is the Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) Principle?” ClimaTalk, July 12, 2021. https://climatalk.org/2021/07/12/what-is-the-cbdr-rc-principle/.

[47] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[48] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[49] Ibid.

[50] World Bank Press Release, “Seychelles launches World’s First Sovereign Blue Bond” (October 29, 2018): $15 million blue bond issued to finance sustainable marine projects. Demonstrates harnessing capital markets for ocean sustainability. VP Vincent Meriton: Blue Bond is part of a public-private initiative to fund local communities/businessesand “assist Seychelles in transition to sustainable fisheries and safeguarding oceans while developing blue economy.”Proceeds support marine protected areas, fisheries governance, and blue economy via grants/loans managed by SeyCCAT and the Dev Bank of Seychelles. Model for other small island states.

[51] World Bank, “Seychelles Launches World’s First Sovereign Blue Bond,” October 29, 2018, https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2018/10/29/seychelles-launches-worlds-first-sovereign-blue-bond(accessed April 21, 2025).

[52] Ibid.

[53] Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL), Africa Carbon Markets Initiative (ACMI) Overview, March 2023, https://www.seforall.org/system/files/2023-03/20220310%20Africa%20Carbon%20Markets%20Initiative%20%28ACMI%29%20Overview_English.pdf (accessed April 21, 2025).

[54] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[55] Climate Policy Info Hub, “Nigeria’s Climate Change Act” (2022 summary): Nigeria’s Climate Change Act (Nov 2021) enshrines a net-zero by 2060 goal. It requires five-year carbon budgets and National Climate Action Plans. It establishes the National Climate Change Council to coordinate policy and the Climate Fund. Mandates private entities (50+ employees) to set emission reduction plans and appoint a Climate Change Officer, with fines for non-compliance.

[56] Climate Change Laws of the World, “Nigeria’s Climate Change Act,” accessed April 21, 2025, https://climate-laws.org/document/nigeria-s-climate-change-act_5ef7.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Jonny Hogg, “Environment, Conflict, and Peacebuilding: Addressing the Root Causes of Conflict in Darfur,”ACCORD: Conflict Trends, 2019, https://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/environment-conflict-and-peacebuilding-addressing-the-root-causes-of-conflict-in-darfur/ (accessed April 21, 2025).

[59] UNEP Story, “Rebuilding relationships over natural resources in Darfur” (Oct 2021): Wadi El Ku project in North Darfur (phase II launched 2018) built weirs, irrigation, and community forests to improve livelihoods for 100k people and restore the environment. “Ensuring residents, especially women, manage natural resources inclusively is helping end mistrust between farming and herding communities.” This project shows that the UN, the government, donors, and communities working hand-in-hand can build peace through resource management.

[60] United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), “Rebuilding Relationships over Natural Resources in Darfur,” May 30, 2019, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/rebuilding-relationships-over-natural-resources-darfur(accessed April 21, 2025).

[61] Hogg, “Environment, Conflict, and Peacebuilding.”

[62] UNEP, “Rebuilding Relationships over Natural Resources.”

[63] Youba Sokona, “Africa: Climate Change and Sustainable Development,” in The Palgrave Handbook of African Political Economy, eds. Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba and Toyin Falola (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), 429–441, https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-57938-8_28 (accessed April 21, 2025).

[64] China has emerged as a key partner in African climate adaptation/mitigation. South-South cooperation with China holds “tremendous potential for African countries to realize climate action priorities and achieve SDGs,” but needs an ambitious, targeted approach.

[65] Sokona, “Africa: Climate Change and Sustainable Development.”

[66] African Union, African Union Climate Change and Resilient Development Strategy and Action Plan (2022–2032), June 23, 2022.

[67] Ibid.

[68] Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Sixth Assessment Report, Working Group II, Chapter 9: Africa, 2022: Notes imbalance in climate knowledge production: “Almost all funding for Africa-related climate research originates outside Africa and goes to research institutions outside Africa,” highlighting need to build African research capacity (a decolonial knowledge issue). Also, Africa’s vulnerability will increase with warming, and adaptation gaps exist due to financing and data limitations.

[69] Risi and Brady, “Africa’s Climate Summit.”

[70] Ibid.

[71] UNEP, “Rebuilding Relationships over Natural Resources.”

[72] IPCC, Chapter 9: Africa.